The history of England, from the accession of Henry III. to the death of Edward III. (1216-1377) — Story, Setting & Ideas
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The source record for The history of England, from the accession of Henry III. to the death of Edward III. (1216-1377) — Story, Setting & Ideas measures this digital text at 200,845 words, 14 hr 34 min estimated reading time, and 18 detected text sections.
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Read on Project GutenbergTout opens this volume with a frank assessment of the state of historical writing, noting that seventy-six years have passed since Lingard's History of England. He positions the work as a cooperative effort, each volume by a specialist, aiming to present research in a readable form. The preface itself reveals a deliberate narrative voice: measured, scholarly, yet unafraid to judge. When describing the fall of the Templars, Tout calls it a “sordid story” and a “lurid commentary” on papal power. That tone—detached but morally pointed—recurs throughout the excerpts.
The Chronicler’s Voice as Evidence
Tout frequently lets contemporary chroniclers speak, and their words carry the emotional weight of the narrative. In the passage on papal influence, he quotes the monk of Malmesbury at length: “Lady Money rules everything in the pope's court.” The lament continues for several sentences, building a picture of clerical outrage. Tout does not simply report the complaint; he uses it to illustrate the impotence of English protest. The chronicler’s cry—“Lord Jesus! either take away the pope from our midst”—is left to stand, its passion contrasting with Tout’s own restrained prose. This technique gives the reader direct access to medieval sentiment without filtering it through modern judgment.
Pace and the Management of Multiple Threads
The narrative moves at varying speeds. In the Templar episode, Tout compresses a complex international story into a few paragraphs, concluding with a sharp aphorism: “England owed more to the weakness of Edward II than France to the strength of Philip IV.” By contrast, the account of Robert Bruce’s progress is slower, dwelling on the strategic difficulty of reducing English-held castles. Tout explains that each fortress “took a long time to subdue, and demanded engineering resources.” The shift from swift moral summary to patient military analysis shows Tout adjusting pace to suit the material. The reader is never rushed through a battle, nor lingered over a moral point.
Judgment Through Structure and Word Choice
Tout’s judgments are embedded in his sentence structure. Of Walter Reynolds’s appointment to Canterbury, he writes that “a good deal of money, it was believed, found its way to the coffers of the curia.” The passive construction and the qualifying “it was believed” distance the author from the accusation while still presenting it. Later, he states flatly that the nomination “robbed the episcopate of dignity and moral worth.” That is a strong claim, but it follows a paragraph of evidence. Tout also uses contrast to sharpen his point: Winchelsea’s death removed a “real check” on Edward, but the king’s good relations with the papacy let him install a pliable successor. The cause-and-effect chain is laid out without overt commentary, yet the implication is clear.
Readers will find that Tout’s volume rewards attention to its shifts in register—from the brisk summary of a papal bull to the lingering detail of a siege. The footnotes, confined to references, leave the text uncluttered, but the appendix on authorities offers a guide to further reading. This is a history that expects its audience to follow an argument across chapters, and it provides the evidence for that argument in the voices of the past.
Tout’s chroniclers speak through cracked voices, grumbling against kings. I often think of that restless murmur when I close Studies in Mediæval Life and Literature—Studies in Mediæval Life and Literature — Context and Discussion—where the same century breathes in quiet corners, not battles but bread, not parliaments but prayers. Both books hold the Middle Ages gently, as one holds a threadbare shawl.
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