The Reign of William Rufus and the Accession of Henry the First, Volume 2 (of 2) — Story, Setting & Ideas

Chroniclers as Witnesses and Partisans

Freeman treats medieval chroniclers not as transparent recorders but as participants in the political and moral debates of their time. The Waltham writer, for instance, accuses Rufus of holding 'Anglorum instituta' in contempt and plundering his own church to enrich the Norman abbey of Saint Stephen's. Freeman notes the precise sum—6666 pounds—allegedly taken, and suggests this may have been part of the general levy to buy Normandy from Robert Curthose in 1096. He also cites a charter of Rufus granting lands to Saint Stephen's, signed by 'Willelmus cancellarius' (William Giffard), and points out that the document is 'carelessly copied or printed,' showing his critical eye for textual corruption. The Waltham writer's later praise for Rufus's writ confirming the canons' lands is presented as a burst of joy after earlier condemnation, illustrating how a single king could be both despoiler and restorer in the same chronicle.

The Scottish Succession and English Influence

The chapter on the wars of Scotland traces the rapid succession of kings after Malcolm's death in 1093: Donald, Duncan, then Donald again, and finally Eadgar. Freeman emphasizes the role of English and Norman settlers in Scotland, noting that Margaret's reforms increased 'the pomp of the court' and introduced English customs. He observes that the Scottish kingdom, under Rufus's pressure, became increasingly English in its political orientation. The death of Malcolm near Alnwick at the hands of Morel is recounted with attention to local traditions, and Freeman notes that the English feeling about Malcolm was mixed—he was a persistent raider but also a king who had married an English princess. The burial of Malcolm at Tynemouth and his later translation to Dunfermline are presented as evidence of shifting loyalties and the contested memory of a border king.

Rufus and the Church: Spoliation and Reconciliation

Freeman devotes considerable space to Rufus's relations with the Church, particularly his exploitation of ecclesiastical wealth. The Waltham writer's vivid image of Rufus offering 'præcisa proprii membra filii'—severed limbs of his own son—as a gift to his father's tomb at Caen is quoted to show the rhetorical extremes of monastic complaint. Yet Freeman also presents evidence of Rufus's later grants and confirmations, such as the writ to the canons of Waltham confirming their lands and customs. He suggests that the robbery of Waltham's moveable wealth may have been part of the 1096 payment to Robert, rather than simple greed. The chapter includes a charter of Rufus granting lands to Saint Stephen's, with signatures that include 'Willelmus cancellarius,' and Freeman notes that the document is 'very carelessly copied or printed,' demonstrating his meticulous source criticism. The king's actions are thus framed not as consistent tyranny but as a series of pragmatic and often contradictory moves.

Readers should approach Freeman's narrative as a layered argument about the uses of historical evidence. He does not simply tell what happened but shows how different chroniclers constructed their versions of Rufus—as a pious benefactor, a rapacious tyrant, or a king whose deeds were shaped by the needs of his reign. Pay attention to the footnotes and marginal references, where Freeman often weighs conflicting accounts and reveals his own judgments. This volume rewards those who read with an eye for the historian's craft as much as for the events themselves.

That grey afternoon, rain ticking the window, I lost myself in Freeman’s second volume—Rufus’s bristling clashes with churchmen felt near enough to touch. When the lamps came on, I found myself reaching backwards, almost instinctively, for its predecessor. The Reign of William Rufus and the Accession of Henry the First, Volume 1 (of 2) — Context and Discussion sits beside my chair still, a quieter beginning to that stubborn king’s fierce story.